The history of the Catholic Church, its ideology and politics after World War II has repeatedly been the subject of research by Soviet historians1 . In recent years, a number of works have appeared that analyze new trends in the ideology and activities of the Catholic Church2 . Thus, a special issue of the collection "Questions of Scientific Atheism" published by the Institute of Scientific Atheism of the Academy of Social Sciences under the Central Committee of the CPSU3 is devoted to the problems of the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965). Marxist researchers are interested in the ideology and politics of Catholicism due to the role it plays in modern bourgeois society, as well as its evolution, which is reflected in the decisions of the Second Vatican Council and the encyclical "Pacem in terris" (1963) of Pope John XXII (1958-1963) and "Populorum progressio" of Paul VI (1967 d.).

The Catholic Church's past and present attitude to communism deserves special attention. Some aspects of this topic are considered in the above-mentioned works, as well as in the article by V. Y. Nyunk and in the work of the author of this article 4 . However, the Soviet literature does not sufficiently cover the position of post-conciliar Catholicism in relation to communism, the features of modern Catholic anti-Communism as one of the most active varieties of clerical anti-Communism. Meanwhile, the study of these issues is of great theoretical and practical importance, given that the Catholic Church is a major religious organization5, and anti-communist concepts propagated by reactionary ideologues of Catholicism are widely used in modern bourgeois propaganda directed against socialist countries and the international communist movement.

For more than a hundred years, the Church has been guided in its attitude to communism by Pope Pius IX's encyclical Qui pluribus (1846), which condemns "the damnable teaching called communism." Popes Leo XIII (1878-1903), Pius XI (1922-1939), and Pius XII (1939) were particularly zealous in this regard.-

1 N. A. Kovalsky. Vatican and World Politics, M. 1964; M. M. Sheinman. Sovremennyi klericalizm [Modern Clericalism], Moscow, 1964; N. A. Reshetnikov. Clericalism, M. 1965; M. P. Mchedlov. Evolyutsiya sovremennogo katolizma [Evolution of Modern Catholicism], Moscow, 1967, et al.

2 M. M. Sheinman. From Pius IX to John XXSH. M. 1967; M. V. Andreev. Katolizm i problemy rabochego i natsionalno-osvobozhitel'nogo dvizheniya [Catholicism and problems of the labor and National liberation movement]. Vatican and Diplomacy, Moscow, 1969.

3 "Questions of scientific atheism". Issue 6. The Second Vatican Council. Zamysly i itogi [Ideas and Results], Moscow, 1968.

4 V. Y. Nyunka. The question of the attitude to communism at the Council. "Questions of scientific atheism". Issue 6; L. Velikovich. Religion and Politics in Modern Capitalist Society, Moscow, 1970.

5 According to data published in Popoli e mission! (1970, No. 2, p. 18), there are about 613 million Catholics in the world. This data is clearly exaggerated, because a significant part of people who are considered Catholics by church statistics, in fact, have no connection with the church.

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1958). They published many encyclicals and speeches that anathematized communism. In 1937, Pope Pius XI issued a special anti-communist encyclical, Divini redemptoris, which is now most often used by the church's hardliners against communism .6
The hostile attitude of the church hierarchy towards communism is primarily due to the fact that communism overthrows the capitalist system, in the preservation of which the church is economically and politically interested. The real basis of the anti-communist policy pursued by the princes of the Church is their position in bourgeois society .7 While upholding the sanctity and inviolability of private property, clerics also carefully disguise the pro-capitalist nature of their social doctrine.

The specificity of clerical anti-communism lies in the speculation on the religious feelings of believers, into whose consciousness anti-communist ideas are introduced through the vast and extremely extensive church apparatus. The ideologues of clerical anti-communism claim that the struggle between two social systems - capitalism and socialism-is nothing more than the struggle of Christianity and communism. 8 The main focus of anti-communist propaganda is aimed at falsifying the policies of the Communist parties in relation to religion. It is characteristic that the speculations of the ideologists of clericalism about the situation of religion and the church in socialist countries are readily picked up by the reactionary bourgeois press.

In socialist countries, as is well known, citizens are guaranteed full and effective freedom of conscience. Believers and non-believers enjoy the same political and civil rights. Adherents of any religion can freely practice their religious rites. Freedom of atheist propaganda is also guaranteed in these countries. Communist parties do not aim to wage a political struggle against religion. They seek to change the socio-economic conditions, to create a society free from exploitation, a society in which the social roots that generate and feed the religiosity of the masses are eliminated, and in which people do not feel the need for religious consolation. At the same time, the freedom of conscience proclaimed in bourgeois countries is largely formal and limited. It actually boils down to freedom of religious activity and propaganda, while the possibilities of atheistic propaganda are limited in every possible way. Describing the freedom of conscience in the conditions of bourgeois democracy, V. I. Lenin wrote that the latter "represents nothing more than freedom to preach what it is profitable for the bourgeoisie to preach, and it is profitable for it to preach the most reactionary ideas, religion, obscurantism, protection of exploiters, etc." 9
6 Salleron, a church columnist for the right-wing French weekly Carrefour, considered it necessary to recall the main points of this encyclical in connection with the tendencies of a number of clergy to recognize the success of communism (Carrefour, 1970, No. 1351, p. 7). In an article published by the French newspaper Figaro on July 8, 1970, Priest Riquet wrote that the classless state of the church is not a state of the society that Karl Marx dreamed of has become a reality. He wrote that, without renouncing Christianity, one can sympathize with the Soviet society, in which the exploitation of the poor by the rich has been eliminated and in which everyone is provided with everything necessary for a truly human life. This admission provoked Salleron's anger.

7 The Church in capitalist countries is not limited to religious preaching. She is no stranger to business. The Catholic Church is engaged in entrepreneurial activity in the United States, Germany, Italy and other capitalist countries. According to data published in the foreign press, the Vatican is the largest banker, capitalist and landowner (see J. Grilli. Finances of the Vatican in Italy, Moscow, 1963).

8 See, for example, G. Farnesi. Religione e comunismo. R. 1968, p. 30.

9 V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 45, p. 28.

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Many efforts were made by churchmen to discredit communism as a teaching, falsify its goals, and denigrate the Communist parties. The Catholic hierarchy did not disdain any means to prevent the spread of the ideas of communism, to undermine the growing influence of the Communist parties on the masses. In July 1949, the Vatican's Holy Chancellery issued a decree excommunicating members of communist parties and those who read and distribute Communist literature. Describing this anti-communist action of the leaders of the Catholic Church, Palmiro Togliatti wrote: "They went so far as to apply against us in July 1949 a very strange general excommunication from the Church, which, without any accusation of specific sins committed, should have affected all those ... who support the doctrine and practice of communism."10 The calculations of the Roman Curia were not justified. The decree did not have the effect on the faithful that she had hoped. It was not difficult to see this from the fact that the number of voters who voted for Communists in Italy in the parliamentary and municipal elections not only did not decrease, but also significantly increased. Nevertheless, the Holy Office issued a new decree in 1959 prohibiting Catholics from supporting not only communist parties, but also organizations and parties that, although they do not preach principles contrary to the Catholic religion, and even consider themselves Christian, but in fact unite with the Communists and help them by their actions.

The anti-communist line that has been firmly established in the Catholic Church has been opposed since the 1960s by a new line that rejects primitive, crude anti-communism and orients the church to the need to change its attitude to communism as a political reality and even recognize the possibility of cooperation with communists in certain political issues. Ideologues of the Catholic Church who have a realistic view of the situation cannot but see that the anti-communist position taken by the Church for more than a hundred years has caused significant damage to its authority among the masses. The new attitude was formulated in the aforementioned encyclical of Pope John XXXX "Pacem in terris". The encyclical allowed for the possibility of cooperation between Catholics and non-Catholics, including communists, in the non-religious sphere to solve problems that concern humanity. It effectively annulled the decrees of the Holy Chancellery prohibiting all cooperation with Communists. John XXIII focused the Catholic Church on dialogue with the world, including dialogue with communists. Continuing this line, the Second Vatican Council included in its approved pastoral constitution "On the Church in the Modern World" the following thesis: "While strongly rejecting atheism, the church recognizes that all people - believers and non - believers-must contribute to the correct construction of the world in which they live, which cannot be achieved without sincere and sincere cooperation." a reasonable dialogue " 11 .

The evolution of Catholic anti-communism manifested itself primarily in the fact that the leaders of the Catholic Church were forced to take a new approach to the problem of fighting communism. Clerical na-

10 P. Tolyatti. The Italian Communist Party, Moscow, 1959, p. 5.

11 Gaudium et spes, 21. At the same time, the pastoral Constitution states that "the church cannot refuse to firmly and sorrowfully reject harmful doctrines, as it has previously rejected them." It contains references to the documents of the last four popes, beginning with Pius XI and ending with Paul VI. The mention of the encyclicals of these popes, in particular the encyclicals "Divini redemptoris", shows that the Catholic hierarchy has not completely dissociated itself from the anti-communist concepts that it has promoted over the past 50 years.

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tikkommunism is experiencing a deep crisis. The anti-communist concepts that the church zealously promoted are failing. Its ideologists cannot ignore the existence and strengthening of the world system of socialism, which is a decisive force in the anti-imperialist struggle. They cannot but see that socialism has made new strides in the global battle for the minds and hearts of the people. It is no accident that the Second Vatican Council did not condemn communism, did not anathematize it, as the anti-communist Catholic hierarchs persistently sought. In recent years, new and more sophisticated methods of promoting anti-communism among the masses have come to the fore. In an effort to fit in with the modern world, in which the ideas of communism have an increasing impact on the broad masses of believers, the Catholic Church advocates a dialogue with the non-Catholic world, including communists, and a transition from direct, negative anti-communism to indirect, "positive" anti-communism.

The encyclical "Pacem in terris" reflects the desire of the progressive forces of the Catholic Church to cooperate with the left in the struggle for peace and democratic freedoms. This encyclical (issued two months before the death of John XXIII) signified that the leading circles of the Catholic Church had taken a certain turn in their attitude towards non-Catholics, including Communists.

The new course of Pope John XXIII is due to a number of reasons. The deep crisis that the Catholic Church is going through has a serious impact on all its activities, in particular on its attitude towards communism and towards socialist countries. The final document of the International Conference of Communist and Workers ' Parties "Tasks of the struggle against imperialism at the present stage and unity of action of the Communist and workers 'parties and all anti-imperialist forces" notes:: "The Catholic Church and some other religions are experiencing an ideological crisis that is shaking their age-old concepts and structures." 12 This crisis is manifested primarily in a significant decrease in the number of parishioners who regularly attend church and perform religious rites. According to data published in the Jesuit magazine Civilta cattolica, 53% attended Mass in Amsterdam in 1948 and 38% in 1967, 48% of Catholics attended Mass in Rotterdam in 1951 and only 33% of Catholics in 1967. A significant decrease in the number of people attending Mass is also observed in other cities of the Netherlands. The church is also not happy with the results of religious studies conducted in France. Only 1/4 of French people attend Mass 13 . Many Catholic leaders recognize that there is a deep divide between the church and the masses. "In silence, without words, millions of people left Christianity and the Church," wrote Austrian Catholic author Fr. Heer. "They rejected Christianity as an inappropriate dress. They left the church as a tombstone, which they occasionally visit, but which, however, they do not live in. " 14 Describing the state of religiosity in Italy, the well-known Italian Catholic sociologist Burgalassi states that if everyone who performs a baptism, confirmation, wedding and funeral according to a religious rite is considered a Catholic, then 93% of Italians are Catholics. If we take into account Mass attendance, the number of Catholics will be only 30%. The pastoral constitution of the Second Vatican Council "On the Church in the Modern World" also notes the decline of the influence of religion. "People come to believe," it says, " that reli-

12 "International Conference of Communist and Workers' Parties. Documents and materials. Moscow, June 5-17, 1969". Moscow, 1969, p. 310.

13 "La Civilta cattolica". R., 1969, vol. 1, N 4; "Express", 12-18.VlII.1968.

14 Fr. Heer. Atheisten und Christen in einer Welt. In: Daira, Heer, Knoll. Kirche und Zukunft. Wien. 1963, S. 44.

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religion, by its very nature, hinders the liberation of man, because it directs people's hopes towards a future and illusory life, which separates them from the earthly kingdom. " 15
The decline in the influence of religion on the masses is the result of objective processes taking place in the modern world, huge social changes, scientific and technological revolution, etc. However, it should be added that the very position of the church, its apologetic line in relation to capitalism, contributed to the decline in the influence of religion on the masses of working people. This was especially evident in the political sphere. Millions of believers in Italy, France and other countries are guided in their political life not by the instructions of spiritual pastors, but by their own class interests. Describing the crisis of religious ideology, the General Secretary of the French Communist Party, Waldeck Roche, noted: "The crisis of religious ideology manifests itself not only in the fact that an increasingly large mass of working people shows increased independence in relation to religion, it also manifests itself in the desire of many believers who are still under the influence of the church to reconsider the political and religious concepts of the church, because they evaluate these concepts and this policy as a positive they are at odds with what they think is reasonable in our era." Waldeck Roche said that in order to "maintain and strengthen, as far as possible, the influence of religion in our era, clerics seek to adapt themselves to the spirit of modernity, finding new and new means of influencing the masses" 16 . One of these means is the church's rejection of the traditional anti-communist course, which ultimately turned against it, as the masses of believers increasingly began to express dissatisfaction with the hostile attitude of Catholic hierarchs towards the world of socialism and communist parties in capitalist countries.

The new developments in the ideology and politics of Catholicism that emerged during the pontificate of John XXIII did not mean a fundamental change in the church's attitude to socialism as a social system. It was about changing the tactics of the fight against communism. The ideologists of the church have become convinced that traditional forms of struggle against communism are ineffective. Therefore, they talk about the need to abandon the crusades against communism and move to the so-called indirect anti-communism. This point of view, in particular, is expressed by one of the leaders of the Italian Jesuit magazine "La Civilta cattolica", consultant to the Vatican Secretariat for Non-believers de Rosa, in his book "The Church and Communism in Italy"published in 1970. The Jesuit B. Sorge's review of this book notes that de Rosa repeatedly emphasizes the preference for indirect anti-communism. De Rosa admits that the direct anti-communism of the Church, most clearly reflected in the 1949 decree on the excommunication of communists, was not effective enough both in political and religious terms. Consequently, he argues, it is necessary to abandon "direct" (outright) anti-communism and move on to "indirect" anti-communism. De Rosa emphasizes the purely religious nature of the church's struggle against communism. He claims that the Holy Chancellery decree of 1949 was dictated by religious considerations and therefore fully justified. The church, de Rosa believes, should not ignore the communists, conduct religious propaganda among them, explaining to them that the church allegedly fights against materialism and atheism, but does not oppose their aspirations for social justice. 17 Thus, the supporters of the so-called-

15 "La Documentation catholique". P. 1970, N 1567, p. 697; "Gaudium et spes", 21.

16 "Cahiers du comrnunisrne". P. 1966, N 5 - 6, p. 300.

17 "La Civilta cattolica". R. 1970, 4 luglio, vol. 3, N 1, p. 40.

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They advocate ideological infiltration among Communists in order to tear them away from the party, and they try in every possible way to compromise the theory of Marxism and the policy of the communist parties.

Proponents of new methods of combating communism consider it necessary to focus on promoting the social doctrine of Catholicism .18 Contrasting it with communism, they portray the church as a carrier of progress, a warrior for justice. By modernizing its social doctrine, the Church is forced to abandon the outspoken apologetics of capitalism. Moreover, it reinforces its "criticism" by focusing it on certain "extremes" while at the same time not rejecting it as a system. In the final analysis, this "critique" is a sophisticated apology for capitalism, since it is based on the possibility of its improvement.

The decisions of the Second Vatican Council, first of all the pastoral Constitution "On the Church in the Modern World", as well as the encyclical of Paul VI" Populorum progressio " introduce some new points in the social doctrine of Catholicism, in particular in the assessment of the right to private property. This encyclical is characterized by the rejection of the traditional sanctification of private property and the recognition of the need to limit it. This document states: "Private property is not an absolute and unconditional right for anyone, and where there is a conflict between acquired private rights and the primary needs of society, the task of the State authorities is to take measures to resolve it with the active participation of individuals and groups." 19 In addition, the church recognized the rights of workers to strike, to participate in the management of enterprises. The new social program of Catholicism, imbued with the idea of class cooperation, in no way goes beyond capitalism. Contrasting Marxism with the updated social doctrine of Catholicism, the church's ideologists advertise it as a positive program for solving the most important social problems. Its essence lies in the apology of a religiously colored "neo-capitalism".

It should be emphasized that the line of John XXIII regarding the church's attitude towards communism has not become the line of the entire Catholic Church. Conservative hierarchs who are very influential in the Roman Curia and in the episcopates of certain countries, who insist on continuing the policy of anti-communism in the spirit of Pius XII, are hindering the implementation of the renovationist course. Cardinal Ottaviani, head of the Holy Chancellery, declared in 1966 that the church's attitude towards communism has not changed and cannot change as long as communism is guided by Marxist theory. However, this traditionalist leader cannot ignore the indisputable fact that millions of believers, despite the church's ban, vote for Communists. Therefore, he said that anyone who votes for communists or is a member of the party, but does not stand on the positions of dialectical materialism, is not excommunicated from the church. Ottaviani blamed Italian priests for not reminding their parishioners of the popes ' decisions on communism. It is this omission that he attributes to the fact that in Italy 8 million citizens vote for Communists .20 The Vatican press discourages contact between Catholics and Communists by spreading slanderous fabrications about the aims of the Communist parties. Until now, its pages publish materials in which, in the spirit of rabid clerical anti-communism, it is argued that communism is the enemy

18 "The implementation of the social doctrine of the Church," John XXIII argued, " is... a decisive means of fighting against atheistic communism." "L'Osservatore Romano", 2.VII.1959.

19 "Populorum progressio", 24.

20 "L'Unita", 8.IV. 1966; "La Croix", P. 23, IX. 1969.

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number one Catholic church 21 . Thus, even after the Second Vatican Council, ideologues of Catholicism, who are close to the Roman Curia, continue to intimidate the faithful with the "danger of communism".

Clerical anti-communism as a whole, like its Catholic version, adapts to the conditions of different continents and countries. Proponents of the traditional approach to communism describe as communist any democratic movement directed against reactionary regimes. This is especially true in Latin American countries. The religious "Society for the Protection of Traditions, Family, and Property", which was founded in Brazil in 1968, and has branches in other Latin American countries, has developed a wide range of activities here. Any advocacy of social and economic reforms is declared communist by the leaders of this society. This organization attacks church leaders who, in the spirit of the decisions of the Second Vatican Council, are trying to change the course of the church, accuses them of communist agitation, and calls on the Pope to condemn priests and laity who oppose the existing socio-political order in Latin America .22 The fact is that in this part of the world, priests and even some church hierarchs take part in the anti-oligarchic and anti-imperialist movements. The activities of these clergymen are also condemned by the leaders of the Catholic Church.

In recent years, the problem of dialogue between Communists and Christians has become increasingly important. In Italy, France, Austria, Germany, England, and other countries, Marxists and Christians have been meeting, and contacts between them have increased. In the Catholic Church, leftist movements are increasingly active, seeking to cooperate with Marxists in the struggle against capitalism. The International Conference of Communist and Workers 'Parties of 1969 noted in this regard:" In some countries, cooperation and joint actions of Communists with broad democratic masses of Catholics and believers of other religions are developing; dialogue between them on such issues as war and peace, capitalism and socialism, neocolonialism and developing countries has become more urgent; joint actions of communists with the broad democratic masses of Catholics and believers of other religions against imperialism, for democracy and socialism are very relevant. Communists are convinced that it is precisely on this path - the path of broad contacts and "joint actions - that the mass of believers becomes an active force in the anti-imperialist struggle and profound social transformation." 23 Thus, the Conference aimed the Communists at rapprochement with the broad democratic masses of believers. It drew particular attention to the need for joint action by Communists and Catholics, as well as believers of other religions, in the struggle against imperialism and for the social reconstruction of society.

Churchmen, however, seek to use the dialogue for anti-communist propaganda. The aforementioned de Rosa by no means conceals the real aims of the reactionary circles of the Catholic Church. He writes that during the dialogue, Catholics should convince their partners of the fallacy of the theory and practice of communism. Thus, he explicitly calls for using contacts for ideological sabotage. De Rosa believes that it is only possible to compare the views of Communists and Catholics, and not a genuine dialogue between them .24 Forced to engage in a dialogue with the Communists, the Church tends to limit it to discussing abstract, mainly religious, problems that do not allow it to be resolved.-

21 "La Civilita cattolica", 1970, 4 luglio, vol. 3, N 1.

22 "Herder Korrespondenz", Freiburg, 1908, N 11.

23 "International Conference of Communist and Workers 'Parties", p. 311.

24 G. de Rosa. Cattolici v comunisti oggi in Italia. Via italiane al socialismo dialogo con i cattulici. R. 1068, pp. 39, 41.

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waiting for a political rapprochement between Catholics and Communists. The journal of the French Jesuits, Etudes, even puts forward as a precondition for contacts with communists the requirement that they renounce their principles and their membership in the Communist Party .25 The attempts of churchmen to put forward ideological and political conditions for a dialogue between Communists and Catholics indicate their unwillingness to conduct a genuine dialogue in which the difference of worldviews would not be an obstacle in the struggle for the fundamental interests of the masses.

In October 1968, the Vatican Secretariat for Non-Believers issued instructions on dialogue with non-believers. It sets out the Vatican's concept of dialogue, which aims to strengthen the promotion of religion. This instruction clearly emphasizes that dialogue is necessary for the church to "promote the gospel", "better understand the essence of religious values by believers", and "use the opportunity to present their positions in front of an audience to which they could not otherwise address"26 . At the same time, this document is aimed at limiting the exchange of opinions with communists, the possibility of communists ' contacts with the masses of believers. In accordance with this instruction, the dialogue should be conducted by specially trained church leaders who have received permission from the church authorities. This concept of dialogue between Catholics and Marxists does not mean that Christians and Marxists will actually cooperate in the struggle for peace, against imperialism and neo-colonialism .27 The document of the Vatican Secretariat for Non-Believers shows the desire of the leaders of the Catholic Church to direct the dialogue in the direction they want.

In an effort to prevent believers and non-believers from uniting in a joint struggle against imperialism, clerics interpret the thesis of the irreconcilability of Marxism and religion in terms of excluding any cooperation between Marxists and Christians. However, it is well known that in socialist countries a new life is being built by both non-believers and believers. Different attitudes to religion cannot be a hindrance to cooperation between atheists and believers in solving fundamental issues of life. Describing the relationship between Communists and believers, French Marxist Guy Bess emphasizes that " it is in materialism that we draw the conviction that we share with our partners that dialogue is not just a mental game or a smokescreen. And although this may seem paradoxical to some, we are starting a dialogue with Christians not in defiance of our philosophy, but in full agreement with the materialist dialectic. " 28 Communists do not demand that believers renounce religion, but call on them to act together in defense of peace, against the advance of monopolies. Communists have never hidden the fact that Marxism is irreconcilable with any anti-scientific ideology, but this does not mean hostility to adherents of religions. Without renouncing the criticism of religious ideology, Marxists direct their efforts to establish an alliance with religious workers in order to transform social relations and build a socialist society. Marxist-Leninist parties are fighting for unity with religious workers, involving them in the struggle for peace, democracy and social progress. However, they strongly reject

25 "Etudes", P. 1965, Janvier, p. 55.

26 "La Documentation catholique", P, 6.X. 1968, pp. 1665 - 1676.

27 Describing the instruction "On Dialogue with Non-believers", the head of the French department of the Vatican Secretariat for Non-Believers, Abbot Six, wrote that he found it insufficient. He attributes this to the haste of publication in order to pre-empt the publication of a document developed by the traditionalists in the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith (see Cahiers du communiisme, 1969, No. 2, p. 76).

28 "La Nouvelle Critique", P. 1967. N 1, p, 34.

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attempts to place religious issues at the center of the political life of society, bearing in mind Lenin's words:"The unity of this truly revolutionary struggle of the oppressed class for the creation of a paradise on earth is more important for us than the unity of proletarian opinions about paradise in heaven." 29 Guided by Lenin's suggestion that dividing the masses according to the principle of religion is detrimental to the cause of the working people, the International Conference of Communist and Workers ' Parties of 1969 appealed to the faithful to unite their efforts for joint action in the anti-imperialist struggle. 30 Working believers are becoming more and more involved in the general democratic movement, which demonstrates the fruitfulness of the policy of unity of action of all workers pursued by the Communist parties.

The official ideology and politics of modern Catholicism remain anti-communist. Only a small part of clerics soberly assesses the position of the Catholic Church in the modern world and, relying on the discontent of the masses of believers with the previous course of the Roman curia, tries to find a new line of behavior. However, proponents of a realistic approach to the situation and prospects of the church in the modern world do not yet have a decisive influence on its policy. Therefore, even after the Second Vatican Council, there are frequent relapses of the most blatant and blatant anti-communism, attempts to return the church to the times when it spoke about communism in the spirit of the anti-communist encyclicals of Pius IX and his successors on the papal throne, as well as other ideological documents of the Catholic Church that condemned Marxism and the communist movement. However, such performances do not promise success. Therefore, the ideologists of the church are looking for new ways to fight communism, increasingly giving preference to the so-called indirect anti-communism.

By pursuing a policy of establishing broad contacts with the faithful and involving them in the anti-imperialist and anti-monopoly struggle, the Communist parties are waging a resolute struggle against the ideology of anti-communism, the ideological tricks of the "theorists" of both direct and indirect clerical anti-communism.

29 V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 12, p. 146.

30 "International Conference of Communist and Workers 'Parties", p. 325.

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