The news of the courageous struggle of the Ivanovo-Voznesensk textile workers, who created the first citywide Council of Workers ' Deputies in May 1905, quickly spread to factories, factories, and working settlements in the Kostroma Region. The growing revolution and events in the neighboring district inspired Kostroma proletarians. At the call of the Kostroma Group of the Northern Committee of the RSDLP, on June 21, workers of the Chumakov factory 2 went on strike, on July 1 textile workers of the Big Mayufactory 3 spoke out, and the next day they were joined by workers of all large enterprises in Kostroma 4 . The strike became general. Envoys of the Ivanovo-Voznesensk proletariat A. K. Gastev (Lavrenty) and V. Morkovin (Fedor)played a major role in its organization5 . Under the influence of their agitation, it was decided to create, following the example of Ivanovo-Voznesentsev, a mass organization that would extend its influence to all the strikers, develop general requirements for the manufacturers, and lead the strike. At illegal meetings, workers determined the timing of the Council elections, the venue for them, and the standards of representation .6 Elections were held at general meetings of enterprises and workshops by open voting. One deputy was elected from 50 people. On July 4, the weavers and spinners of a Large manufactory elected their representatives to the Council, and on July 6, the workers of other factories and factories elected their representatives. A total of 108 deputies were elected, mostly members of the proletarian movement. The Council also included the Bolsheviks.

The emergence of the Soviet of Workers ' Deputies in Kostroma - one of the first in Russia - vividly illustrates Lenin's idea that Soviets "were created exclusively by revolutionary strata of the population, they were created in an entirely revolutionary way, outside of any laws and norms, as a product of original folk art."7 Describing these public bodies, which had never been seen before in history, V. I. Lenin emphasized that they were " organs of mass direct struggle. They emerged as organs of the strike struggle. They became very quickly, under the pressure of necessity, organs of general revolutionary struggle against the government. " 8 This characteristic can be fully attributed to the Kostroma Council.

Its first meeting was held on July 6. According to the participants of the event, it was held in an atmosphere of jubilation. The deputies excluded from the Council the Black Hundreds who had tricked their way into it, then formulated general requirements: an 8-hour working day, an increase in wages, the creation of conditions necessary for caring for children for working mothers, the convocation of a Constituent Assembly, etc. In total, more than 30 points were worked out9 . It was also decided to inform the owners of enterprises and the governor that the proletarians themselves will ensure order in the city. "We, the striking workers," said the resolution adopted by the Council, " guarantee peace, quiet and order and the inviolability of the person of the factory administration, and we also demand that the troops and police do not interfere in our peaceful strike." The Council was headed by members of the RSDLP A. A. Simanovsky, I. A. Nabegin, G. P.

1 See A.V. Shipuli and Yu. A. Yakobson. Ivanovo-Voznesensky Soviet of Workers ' Deputies in 1905. Voprosy Istorii, 1977, No. 2.

2 Now-a grain mill (here and below the dates are in the old style).

3 Now-the V. I. Lenin Plant.

4 State Archive of the Kostroma region( GAKO), f. 133, op. 36, d. 2, ll. 194, 261-263; f. 749, op. 1, d. 173, l. 130.

5 "1905 in Kostroma". Collection of articles. Kostroma. 1926, p. 49.

6 Party Archive of the Kostroma region (PAKO), f. 383, op. 1, 12, l. 2.

7 V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 12, p. 317.

8 V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 13, p. 320.

9 PACO, f. 3215, op. 2, d. 304, l. 507.

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Fedoseev, I. K. Vulpe. P. F. Yakhonin was elected Secretary of the Council.

On July 7, at the second meeting of the Council, 12 strike and finance commissions were elected to carry out current affairs and prepare general meetings of deputies and strikers . During the most tense moments, the Council met continuously, usually twice a day. The Council conducted negotiations with entrepreneurs with considerable skill and dignity. The latter insisted on considering not the general demands of the strikers, but the demands of the workers of each factory separately, and only in the presence of deputies from the given enterprise. The Council rejected this method, which was designed to "sow discord between the deputies and the whole mass" .11 Entrepreneurs and the city administration had to reckon with the Council as a real force. Noting these facts, Lenin's Proletarian newspaper wrote on August 16, 1905:: "The striking masses, under the pressure of social-democracy, are singling out democratic bodies, which will very soon be legalized, becoming official centers recognized by all. The governor speaks to the chairman of the deputy assembly, the manufacturers speak to all the deputies against their will, the Duma addresses official papers and requests to the deputy assembly of workers."

The Council took care of the strikers and their families. From among the deputies, he singled out four collectors who, with checkbooks and Council certificates, collected money from the population for the strikers ' fund. The Council drew the attention of the City Duma to the plight of the strikers, and after much delay, it allocated 1 thousand rubles. With the money raised, bread baking was organized, four canteens were opened, bread and lunch were issued on strike commission coupons, and 12 children were given milk . The Workers ' Militia Council devoted a lot of effort and attention. It was formed as a group of 10 people. It was headed by a member of the RSDLP worker V. A. Kosulnikov 13 . The Bolshevik organization had its own fighting squad. It was commanded by M. S. Kedrov, a member of the Communist Party since 1901. The workers ' militia and the fighting squad worked together, kept order in the city, ensured the safety of participants in meetings and rallies, and fought against the black hundred and the police.

All the work of the Council was directed by the Kostroma Committee of the RSDLP14 . Every morning, he held a meeting of the strike committee, where the plan of action for the day was discussed, tactics were determined, and speakers were scheduled for speeches. Then the deputies ' meeting began. It considered the course of the strike and the recommendations of the strike commission. At noon, strikers gathered on the bank of the Kostroma River. They were addressed by the leaders of the Council and members of the RSDLP Committee. They talked about the progress of negotiations with manufacturers and the city administration. After that, the deputies went to their constituents, gave explanations on all issues, introduced them to the decisions of the Council, distributed leaflets and bulletins of the RSDLP committee. In the evening, in the forest, under the protection of the militia and the fighting squad, the Bolshevik organization summed up the results of the day. Non-party advanced workers were also invited to attend these meetings. Urgent tasks, immediate goals, forms and methods of struggle were discussed 15 . The meetings and meetings held by the Soviet under the leadership of the Bolshevik organization were a school for the political education of the workers. They allowed the RSDLP committee to introduce Bolshevik slogans to the masses and attract new members from the proletarian milieu to join the party.

...The strike was now in its fourth week. The financial situation of the strikers became increasingly difficult. The flow of funds to the strikers ' fund stopped, and their families were starving. At the request of entrepreneurs, Cossack units were brought into the city, and the workers were threatened with a bloody massacre. Under these circumstances, the Council was forced to call a halt to the strike. On the morning of July 24, a meeting of strikers was held. After a long and heated discussion, it expressed its support for the Council's decision. At the same time, the workers vowed to continue with renewed vigor

10 "The revolutionary movement in 1905-1907 in the Kostroma province". Collection of documents. Kostroma. 1955, p. 94 - 95, 101 - 104, 115 - 119.

11 Ibid., pp. 112-113.

12 PACO, f. 383, op. 2, d. 21, l. 15.

13 Ibid., d. 15, l. 58; "Proletarian", 11. X. 1905.

14 Kostroma Committee of the RSDLP-the official name of the Kostroma social-Democratic organization since July 1, 1905 (after the abolition of the Northern Committee of the RSDLP).

15 PACO, f. 383, op. 1, d. 12, ll. 2-11.

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fight as soon as possible. With red banners and singing revolutionary songs, a mass of 15,000 workers marched from the bank of Kostroma to the factory district. Already near the city, demonstrators clashed with Cossacks 16 .

The Kostroma strike did not lead to victory, but ended not in defeat, but in a systematic retreat. The workers kept their faith in themselves and achieved higher wages, better working conditions, and shorter working hours. During the strike, the Council of Deputies grew stronger and its popularity grew. Although the Council announced its self-dissolution after the strike, it continued to live on in the workers ' memories. When new conflicts arose, the proletarians instructed their delegates to negotiate with the manufacturers. They also demanded that the authorities stop harassing former activists of the Council. "If we are driven out of patience," the textile workers wrote to the governor, "we will go like lava, which nothing will stop, we will destroy everything." 17 The warning made the reaction act more cautiously.

The All-Russian political strike in October 1905 and the emergence of the St. Petersburg Soviet served as an impetus for the re-establishment of the Soviet of Workers ' Deputies in Kostroma. Unlike its predecessor, it was formed on a broader basis. The elections held on November 16 and 17 showed that the overwhelming majority of members of the July Council were again elected deputies. It was filled up with representatives of trade unions of postal and telegraph employees, printing workers, intellectuals, and a total of 135 deputies were elected, including 38 women. All members of the Kostroma Committee of the RSDLP who were in a legal position (A. M. Stopami, Ya-A. Andreev, A. K. Gastev, O. A. Kvitkin) joined the Council of 18 . Its structure has also changed. At the organizational meeting held on November 20, an executive commission of 12 people was established: 10-from factories and plants, 2 - from the local committee of the RSDLP. She conducted current work, implemented decisions of the Council, held elections of new deputies, published the newspaper Izvestia of the Council of Workers ' Deputies of Kostroma. The Council adopted its own charter, formed a strike fund, a judicial and cash commission. Deputies from each factory formed separate sections. The Bolsheviks S. V. Malyshev (Pozharny), N. N. Sokolov and P. N. Karavaev were elected Chairman of the Council and secretaries. 19
The authority of the Council was enormous. Not only workers and employees, but also peasants of nearby villages turned to him for help .20 He firmly defended the interests of the working people: he did not allow factory owners to dismiss workers for participating in strikes, sought the removal of hated masters, and fought hooliganism. The police and the fighting squad carried out constant patrols in the fabrichny district. The Soviet did not confine itself to protecting the economic interests of the workers, but also set itself political tasks: bypassing censorship, it issued a newspaper and leaflets, and called on the workers not to comply with the orders of the tsarist administration. Under his leadership, the proletarians won the right to freedom of assembly, speech, and the press in a clear and orderly manner. If in the days of the July strike, one of the most active participants in those events, P. N. Karavaev, wrote in his memoirs, "the working masses had to be approached mainly from the side of their economic interests, now we turned to them with general tasks and slogans of 1905, launching agitation for a Provisional Revolutionary Government, a Constituent Assembly, for armed insurrection " 21 .

The activities of the Kostroma Soviet in the autumn of 1905 were not isolated from the general struggle of the Russian proletariat. The Soviet protested against the persecution of mass organizations of working people and the persecution of their leaders in different parts of the country, provided material assistance to Yaroslavl and Moscow workers, and on December 4, 1905, adopted a resolution of the Council of Ministers in solidarity with the St. Petersburg Soviet 22 . The local administration, frightened by the growth of his influence, did everything possible to prevent his activities, encouraged the monarchists and Black Hundreds in their efforts to defeat December 6 (the day of the namesake of Nicholas II) Kostroma Council and Committee of the RSDLP.

16 "The revolutionary movement in 1905-1907 in the Kostroma province", p. 130.

17 GAKO, f. 207, op. 1, d. 428, ll. 45-46.

18 "The revolutionary movement in 1905-1907 in the Kostroma province", pp. 157-161.

19 Ibid., pp. 162-169.

20 Ibid., p. 154.

21 "1905 in Kostroma", p. 75.

22 "Kostroma leaflet", 4, 6. XII. 1905.

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However, the workers ' militia and the fighting squad strongly rebuffed the reaction.

The revolution was on the rise. The Kostroma Soviet called on the proletarians to prepare for an armed uprising, and strengthened the equipping of the combat squad and militia with weapons. On December 9, the Kostroma Committee of the RSDLP appealed to the workers to stock up on weapons. As a sign of solidarity with the Moscow proletariat, which launched a general political strike on December 7-8, which then turned into an armed uprising, the Kostroma Soviet announced a general political strike in the city on December 9. "Be brave, comrades! - said in the manifesto of the Council and Committee of the RSDLP. "The government will either back down now... or this strike will turn into a popular uprising!"23 . Factories and factories stopped working. Rallies and meetings were held everywhere under the slogan " Down with autocracy!" The governor was constantly guarded by a detachment of Cossacks, parts of the local garrison almost went out of control to their superiors. The authorities, in dismay, sent telegrams to St. Petersburg, demanding that troops be sent to Kostroma. Soon, relying on the will of the majority of working people, the Council decided to dissolve the City Duma 24 . The actions of the tsarist administration were virtually paralyzed. The workers carried out only the orders of the Council. True, in December 1905, in Kostroma, things did not come to an armed struggle between the proletariat and the authorities. To prevent it, new Cossack units were introduced into the city. They organized a real hunt for activists of the Council. General meetings of the elected body have ceased. On December 13, by the decision of the Council, the political strike ended, and on the night of December 28, the 25 executive commission was arrested .

In the activities of the Kostroma Soviet, the Bolshevik leadership was crucial. The local organization of the RSDLP was entirely Bolshevik. Back in late 1904-early 1905, party work in the city was conducted by Y. M. Sverdlov. Under his leadership, the organization in a short time managed to acquire a stable authority among the workers and strengthened itself on Leninist positions. Since the summer of 1905, it was headed by such party figures as A. M. Stopani, A. K. Gastev, and M. S. Kedrov. From July to December 1905, the Bolshevik organization doubled in size and numbered more than 350 people .26 The Kostroma Committee of the RSDLP systematically prepared and directed the strike movement in the city, implementing the decisions of the Third Congress of the RSDLP. During the activity of both Councils, the committee issued eight special bulletins and over 60 names of various leaflets. The Kostroma Bolsheviks received important help from the Vperyod and Proletarian newspapers, which systematically published information about the events in Kostroma. These publications were widely used by local Bolsheviks.

The activities of the Kostroma Soviet of 1905 left an indelible mark on the minds of the workers. It is noteworthy that they revived the Soviet in the very first days after the February Revolution, and 20 of its deputies were such back in 1905.

23 "The revolutionary movement in 1905-1907 in the Kostroma province", p. 110, 191 - 192, 194 - 195.

24 "Kostroma leaflet", 14. XII. 1905.

25 PACO, f. 3215, op. 2, d. 304, l. 66.

26 Ibid., d. 175, l. 19.

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